Berberism, also known as Amazighism, is a Berber political movement that advocates for the recognition Berber (Amazigh) identity, languages, and rights in North Africa. It emerged in Algeria and Morocco in the face of state-led Arabization, pan-Arabism, and discrimination against Berber communities. While mainly focused on cultural and linguistic rights, some Berberist movements such as the MAK in Algeria, particularly among the diaspora, also advocate for separatism.
Opposition to Berberism has sometimes drawn on anti-Berber rhetoric, stemming from Arab supremacy, including tropes that the Berber identity was a French colonial invention. Scholars have also noted racialized tropes portraying Berbers as "sons of the White Fathers."Fazia Aïtel, H-France Review Volume 21 (2021), p. 5-7
Algeria
A sense of historical belonging Kabyle identity, like that of other Berber-speaking groups, did not suddenly emerge in the 20th century. It can be found in popular poetry of resistance to French colonization (19th century), which refers to a Kabyle entity. On another level, it recognizes the Muslim community. Berber identity has ancient historical roots and is not a creation of colonialism, contrary to the postulate put forward by Arab-Muslim ideology, even if the French conquest did have an impact on the ground.
Impact of the French conquest The Berber presence was not ignored by European scholars before the conquest of 1830. But in the eyes of the French, Algeria was populated by "Moors" and "Turks" before the conquest. This view changed with the capture of Algiers, and the inhabitants were increasingly referred to as "Arabs." Given Kabylia's proximity, contact with Berber-speaking populations, who were not inclined towards colonization, quickly followed: the presence of "two races" or "two languages" was then discovered.
As part of the "Berber policy" of the French colonial empire, designed to "pacify" Kabylia, French colonialists promoted the idea that Kabyle people were more predisposed than Arabs to assimilate into "French civilization." This was known as the Kabyle myth. Yves Lacoste explained that "turning the Arabs into invaders was one way of legitimizing the French presence". The Berbers were elevated above the Arabs through the narrative that Berber ancestral heritage stemmed from Europe. Consequently, Arabs were associated with backwardness, which the Berbers profited from, as it granted them a higher status within the colonial system.
During the period of French colonization, Arabic and Berber were declared foreign languages in Algeria with the aim to replace them with French. The French in particular sought to promote the French language Berbers, particularly in Kabyle.
These attempts to win over the Berber population saw mixed success. Berbers were on the forefront of the Independence movement with several key leaders of National Liberation Front (FLN), including Hocine Aït Ahmed, Abane Ramdane, and Krim Belkacem. The Berber regions of Aurès and Kabylia were geographically remotene and there was widespread local support for independence and the FLN. The Soummam conference, often cited as the founding act of the Algerian state, took place in Kabylia. Due to Berber regions serving as hotbeds for FLN guerillas, these regions were labelled major targets in French counter-insurgency operations.
Following Algerian Independence, Berber leaders increasingly opposed the central government, in particular its Arabist policies and lack of political pluralism. Two years of armed conflict in Kabylia followed, leaving more than 400 dead and most FLN leaders from Kabylia exiled or executed.
1940 to 1950 Berberist crisis The developments of 1940 to 1950 constituted a period of social unrest in Algerian politics which would set the framework for the coming years. The emergence of the Algerian Arabism-Islamism Nationalist framework meant to combat colonialism was accompanied by the emergence of Berberism, to combat this Arabism-Islamism. The Berbers demanded for the redefinition of the society they were historically a part of (linguistically and culturally): they wanted an 'Algerian Algeria' to represent all the ethnic and cultural minorities of the nation. The Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTLD) continued to impose the Arabism-Islamism framework and were denounced as anti-democratic by Berber activists.
The MTLD refused to acknowledge these minorities because it would have hindered their advancement in the provincial elections. This led to the beginning of open conflict between Berber partisans and "Arab unity" advocates: the outbreak of the Berber crisis. At this stage, the Algerian People's Party (PPA) and MTLD, both headquartered in Paris, had merged to advance the Berber platform. They wanted to replace the single-party state system with democracy. This 'Algerian Algeria' would include the contributions, histories and cultures of all the ethnic populations. The platform as stated by Rachid Ali revolved around the fact that the Berbers should break the status quo that they have no place in society, as Algeria does not belong to the Arab world but was instead a nation for all its citizens. With the adoption of this platform, the Berber activists were seen as a threat to unity and independence by the Arabists-Islamists, on the account that "the Berbers wished to impose the Western agenda on Algeria".
The Berberist crisis of 1949 led to the formation of the Berber Cultural Movement (MCB). Its agenda was to challenge Arabism and Islamism, and oppose Arabization because of its "de-frenchifying" objectives and its alleged opposition to democratic and secular ideals. Berberists called for a Western-style socio-political system with the French language and French culture as its vectors. This was criticized by Arab Nationalists for being too assimilationist.
Effects of 1962 constitution and Arabization The 1962 Constitution declared that Islam was the state religion and Arabic was the national language. These two aspects of identity became mutually exclusive to be Algerian. In turn, linguistic and cultural diversity was interpreted as a threat to national unity. Rapid Arabization measures were implemented after independence in 1962 which sought to spread the Arabic language throughout the country. This was largely in an attempt to reclaim and reconstruct the Algerian identity which was lost during French colonial rule.
The rise in Arabic speakers and education institutions was accompanied by the decline in the Berber speakers. Linguistic ability was a large factor in Berber identification meaning its decline was a threat to the survival of the Berber identity. The Berber narrative stated that the rapid Arab-Islamic conquest was rising at the expense of the Berber identity. The Berber struggle was seen as an uphill battle. Furthermore, these Arabization measures stigmatized the Berber speakers vis-à-vis the Arabic speakers through the creation of more rigid divides between the communities. Political and social power was seen to lie with the Arabs who imposed their will on the Berber minority.
Outburst of 1980s: the Berber question, the Berber Spring, the rise of political parties The Berber Question was revived during this period. The youth of Kabyle fought for the assertion of their Berber culture in a post-independent Arabist-Islamist Algeria. Repression of Berber particularism combined with the accelerating programs of Arabization in schools and universities led to the sharpening of the divide and the eventual outbreak of the 1980 Berber Spring. The catalyst was set on 10 March 1980, when the government banned a lecture given by Mouloud Mammeri on Ancient Berber poetry at the University of Tizi Ouzou. Strikes continued until 26 June. The Berber demonstrations in Algeria of that year were the first instance in the international scene where a Berber group demanded recognition on the institutional level of their culture, language, and place in society. The later 1980s saw a rise in Berber associations, political parties and cultural movements. Article 56 of the 1976 constitution stated that preliminary certification was needed in order to establish associations, over which the administration had discretionary power. Legally, this meant that no Berber associations could exist from 1962 until this was amended out of the constitution in 1988. Underground Berber groups could now officially register themselves, and by July 1989 there were officially 154 of these organizations. Of the most notable included the Berber Cultural Movement (MCB) which held its first official meeting in July 1989 in Tizi Ouzo. The MCB comprised French intellectuals and Kabliyan students with the agenda to oppose Arabization, call for recognition of Berber culture and language, and implement a Western style democracy. The MCB mobilized large groups of people and coordinated multiple protests to advance Berber culture, language, and position in civil society. However, the MCB had major limits on the account that the MCB was unable to resist the partisan tensions between the FFS and the RCD.
Events of 1990s Creation of the High Commission for Amazighity (HCA) in 1995 The creation of the HCA is regarded as the first step by the government to recognize the language of the Berber population, Tamazight. The commission would be attached to the office of the President and the commissioner would be appointed by the President to oversee the initiatives undertaken to advance and institutionalize the Berber language. The HCA was officially created by a decree on 8 May 1995, meaning it was in a fragile state due to its revocability. The government refused to acknowledge Tamazight as a national language alongside Arabic, while this decree was meant "to rehabilitate one of the components of the national culture and identity of all Algerians. It [was] in no way a recognition of linguistic or cultural rights of a particular area or minority".
Constitutional reform of 1996 Changes in the constitution reflected this recognition and advancement of Berber language. The 1989 constitution made no mention of Berberism and declared in its second and third articles that "Islam is the religion of the state" and "Arabic is the national and official language". Whereas these two amendments were carried forward to the 1996 constitution, there was also the addition of a preamble which stated that "the fundamental components of its [Algeria's] identity are Islam, "Arabness", and Berberness. Later in the preamble, was the mention that "Algeria is the land of Islam, an integral part of the Greater Maghreb, an Arab, Mediterranean and African country," subsequently contradicting the weight of the former advancement. Nonetheless, it was among the first steps towards recognition taken by the government.
1998 protests